Showing posts with label democratic deficit. Show all posts
Showing posts with label democratic deficit. Show all posts

Friday, July 18, 2008

What Aspect of the Irish 'NON' Do the Brussels & Paris Philosopher Kings Not Understand?

http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2008/jun/14/editorial-check-of-the-irish/


Check of the Irish



Editorial



Washington Times

July 14, 2008



Pronunciation:
\ˈnō\
Function: adverb
Etymology: Middle English, from Old English nā, from ne not + ā always; akin to Old Norse & Old High German ne not, Latin ne-, Greek nē- — more at aye
Date: before 12th century
>1 achiefly Scottish : not b—used as a function word to express the negative of an alternative choice or possibility
>2: in no respect or degree —used in comparisons
>3: not so —used to express negation, dissent, denial, or refusal <no, I'm not going
>4—used with a following adjective to imply a meaning expressed by the opposite positive statement no uncertain terms
>5—used as a function word to emphasize a following negative or to introduce a more emphatic, explicit, or comprehensive statement no, it's gigantic
>6—used as an interjection to express surprise, doubt, or incredulity7—used in combination with a verb to form a compound adjective 8: in negation no>

[See: Merriam Webster's Online Dictionary - http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/no ]


The sky over Europe is not falling. That's the bottom line of Ireland's rejection Thursday of the Lisbon Treaty.


Of the 27 European Union member states, Ireland, the only to require a popular referendum, has usefully tested an otherwise very insulated, elite-driven expansion of EU power. It has rejected the best-laid plans of Commissioner Jose Manuel Barroso and allies. At this point, the EU should realize that its long-term prospects require it to acknowledge the legitimate objections of real, actual voters. This, of course, was the same lesson that went unheeded in 2005, when France and the Netherlands issued comparable "No" votes to the EU Constitution, killing it.


In the runup to Thursday, Mr. Barroso announced with much drama that "There is no Plan B," warning of "a very negative effect for the European Union" before an audience at the European Policy Center, as if he meant it. This, it turns out, was bluster. Now he says: "I believe the treaty is alive and we should now try to find a solution."

The intended solution, which could only be described as a "Plan B," is to press on with the Lisbon Treaty anyway, with some Ireland-only modifications.

Mr. Barroso wants Ireland to resubmit the treaty for a vote once its opt-out clauses are in order. The approach suggests a belief that a treaty that fails its only popular vote faces no questions of mandate or long-term viability. The willful obtuseness here is the real danger to the EU's prospects.

[SO MUCH FOR INDIVIDUAL HUMAN RIGHTS & POLITICAL ACCOUNTABILITY WITHIN THE EUROPEAN UNION!! EUROPEANS BEWARE!! THE BRUSSELS BUREAUCRATS WILL CRAM DOWN ANYTHING THEY WISH IF THE IRISH SUBMIT TO THIS KIND OF INTIMIDATION!!!]


Any political institution that aims for longevity must develop a healthy respect for the public will. The best ones are grounded in it. The sad truth of the EU is that its leadership has never been willing to do this. It openly disdains "the rabble." Mr. Barroso and allies try to avoid public input wherever possible, conducting end-runs around non-elite checks on their authority. They failed to learn the lessons of France and the Netherlands three years ago. This week they fail yet again.

The EU will survive, as will the integrated European economy. The real casualties this week are the credibility of those who made the direst of predictions on Wednesday but little more than 24 hours later were found pledging to carry on as if nothing had happened.
[UNFORTUNATELY, THE PHILOSOPHER KINGS OF MODERN BRUSSELS HAVE FAILED TO LEARN THE TRAGIC LESSON OF THE PHILOSOPHER KINGS OF ANCIENT ATHENS.]

[See: Eva Brann, Plato's Impossible Polity, A review of Plato's Republic: A Study, by Stanley Rosen


["...So, first, who is this philosopher-king for whose benefit the Republic has a metaphysical center? Open the book to its middle by page count and there he is (or she, as Socrates explicitly says)—the central human figure of the dialogue, whose introduction will raise a huge wave of derision. Rosen rightly emphasizes a crucial aspect of these philosophers: they "depend upon the existence of Ideas"; their "most important qualification is to 'see' the Ideas." Accordingly, Rosen has not only explained very clearly in various places what a Platonic idea is—minimally, a formal structure necessary for identifying and speaking about things—but he has also set out lucidly what is problematic about it. He emphasizes that these structures are conceived as patterns or models, and Part III begins with a very illuminating discussion of the several meanings of Plato's term paradeigma. Thus, philosophers have non-sensual patterns to look to. But then the question is: how does that make them fit to be kings? Rosen thinks that Plato has shown only that philosophers are lovers of ideas but not at all how the ideas bestow the practical knowledge required for kingship. I would respond that the Socratic position is that to know the ideas of Courage, Temperance, and Justice is to be courageous, temperate, and just—surely a good beginning for the life of a ruler. The source of the being, growth, and knowableness of the ideas themselves is that notorious Good. It too is, I think, a defensible preoccupation for those who are to govern. Socrates presents it in a simile, a verbal image (eikon). The Good is like the sun in its being and power—except that it has no being, for it is "beyond being" (509 b). Rosen reasonably asks us to accept the idea of the Good as "intrinsic" to the intelligibility of human existence. But then he balks at the one metaphysical feature assigned to it, its "beyond-being."Yet the Good is not quite sufficiently delineated as perhaps "a set of properties of Platonic ideas," nor put aside as "too cryptic to be amenable to an entirely satisfactory explanation." The ancient tradition is that "The Good" was a name for "The One," the comprehending source of unity, the principle of "one-out-of-many," not itself a being but the unity of all beings. It is the very principle of our republic: "E pluribus unum." That is why the philosopher-kings must come to behold it; far from being useless, it is the knowledge of communities, whether of ideal beings in their ontological context or of human beings in their private friendships or in their civic associations. For the philosopher-kings, even if they have, by my notion, no city but only themselves to rule, are yet friends and fellow-citizens. Don't those of us who still teach the liberal arts (the very arts set out in the Republic's curriculum for philosopher-kings) hope to educate citizens in just that way, by asking them to think about what it means to be together as a community emerging from individuals?"]


Wednesday, June 18, 2008

Is There No True Justice or Rule of Law in Brazil? If So, How Can There Ever Be Economic Freedom??



In Brazil, Justice is For the Birds


By Augusto Zimmermann


Brazzil Magazine


June 17, 2008



(Translation: 'Picture of Brazil')
This article is based on a paper presented at the annual conference of the Australian Society of Legal Philosophy, June 13-15 2008.


Brazil is a nation suffering from a substantial lack of commitment to the rule of law. As a result, most of what happens in Brazil lies outside the statute books and law reports.


In that country there is indeed a very sharp contrast between, on the one hand, statutes and the written texts of the constitution, and, on the other hand, the daily life as demonstrated in the dealings between individuals and public authorities.

In an important survey conducted by DaMatta in the mid 1980s, citizens in Brazil were asked how they classify a person who obeys the law. The common answer was that such a person must be an individual of "inferior" social status. But when asked about a wealthy person who wishes to obey the law, the common answer to this situation was that this person is simply a babaca (fool). DaMatta then concluded from this empirical research that, in Brazil, "compliance with law conveys the impression of anonymity and great inferiority".
In Brazil, social status is far more important than any protection of the law, because laws are generally perceived as not being necessarily applied to everyone. Unlike a typical North American citizen who would use the law to protect him-or-herself against any situation of social adversity, a citizen in Brazil would instead appeal to his or her social status.


Respecting the law in that country implies a condition of social inferiority and disadvantage that renders one subject to it. As the late historian José Honório Rodrigues observed: "In Brazil, personal liking is above the law". And so the familiar Brazilian maxim: "Para os amigos tudo, para os indiferentes nada, e para os inimigos a lei" (For my friends, everything; for strangers, nothing; for my enemies - the law!).


Since Brazil's society stresses direct relations based on personal liking as opposed to formal relations which are based on the law, the greatest fear of Brazilians is that of eventually becoming an isolated citizen. The isolated citizen is an inferior who is reduced to the condition of being merely "under" the law.


Accordingly, people without the necessary ability to develop such relationship ties have "only" the law on which to depend, whereas a citizen with "good" friends can also obtain any "special" treatment from the state and other institutions of prestige.


A phrase that is typically applied by people who expect such "special treatment" is "Você sabe com quem está falando?" ("Do you know whom you are talking to?"). It is often used by those who wish to somehow disobey formal rules, and as such it can be applied to a vast range of situations. A common application is when a police officer is "daring" to apply a fine for parking infringement. In such a case it is the officer himself who risks being punished if he tries to enforce the law.


It is not so much that the individual declaring personal exemption from the law necessarily views it as being wrong or unfair; it is just that he or she believes the law does not apply to a person like him or her. To obey it would be beneath him or her. The premise is that he or she possesses the privilege of being "more equal" than others, and so exercises the prerogative to ignore the law with impunity and utter arrogance. This sort of behaviour, argues history professor José Murilo de Carvalho, might be provoked by the mixed nature of the Brazilian citizen which he describes in the following terms:


"Master and slave live together inside him. When occupying positions of power he exhibits the arrogance of a master, when outside power he oscillates between servility and rebelliousness. A true citizen conscious of his (legal) rights and mindful of the rights of others did not develop..."


This cultural trait may help to explain the persistence of (social) inequality whose major victims are the descendents of the former slaves.


In reality, the fact that many people in Brazil often consider themselves above the law might be a legacy of the institution of slavery infecting contemporary Brazilian society.


The hypothesis posits that slavery might have contributed to a low value being placed on compliance with law. While slavery was abolished a long time ago, in May 1888, a master-slave mentality might still permeate Brazil's social relations. According to Joseph A. Page,
"There are... societal ills that can be traced at least in part to slavery. For example, the slave owner could do as he pleased with his slaves without having to answer to anyone for the consequences of his actions. The master-slave relationship replicated the medieval relationship between Portuguese king and his subjects, and it came to define the link between the powerful and the powerless in Brazil... Indeed, a sense of being above the law became a prerogative of the nation's haves. The notion of impunity - the avoidance of personal responsibility - became deeply ingrained in Brazilianness and has proved a barrier to development."


To understand the reasons for problems blocking the rule of law from taking hold in Brazilian society, we need to investigate these patterns of social behaviour that inhibit the normal respect for legal norms and principles.


The abysmal difference in Brazil between legal provisions and reality bears a good testimony to the fact that "good laws" might be important, but what really matters is individual, straightforward conduct, which in turn is the natural result of a culture of legality entailing the willingness by all citizens, including judges and politicians, to honestly respect legal obligations.


Indeed, Brazil does not have the rule of law because Brazilians have not yet developed this kind of culture.


* Augusto Zimmermann, LLB, LLM, PhD is a Law Lecturer at Murdoch University, Western Australia.

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Dr.Zimmermann strikes again! written by João da Silva, June 17, 2008


A splendid article and my kudos again. We do need more Brasilians like Augusto and Ricardo to write such articles, questioning the lack of commitment to law in this country, not disregarding the fact that there are several hundreds of thousands of Brasilians that share their views. Let me cite a few examples from my own experience.


But when asked about a wealthy person who wishes to obey the law, the common answer to this situation was that this person is simply a babaca (fool).


I am not wealthy at all, but just a middle class person.But I obey all the laws, including the traffic rules. When I stop my car at a pedestrian crossing to let the people cross teh street, I get harassed by other drivers some of whom call me a "babacão" and some others (especially the lady drivers) show me fingers! Lately I have seen that evern the cops dont give a damn about pedestrian crossings. Because they are "autoridades maximas" (The highest authorities) and above any blooddy law.

Since Brazil's society stresses direct relations based on personal liking as opposed to formal relations which are based on the law, the greatest fear of Brazilians is that of eventually becoming an isolated citizen. The isolated citizen is an inferior who is reduced to the condition of being merely "under" the law.


Spot on again, Dr.Zimmermann. 100% correct. He becomes not only isolated but a "pariah" (because "ele não tem jogo de cintura")!!

"Master and slave live together inside him. When occupying positions of power he exhibits the arrogance of a master, when outside power he oscillates between servility and rebelliousness.


Augusto is brutally blunt again". Even the "Zelador" of a building becomes arrogant, when occupying power.Imagine the "doutores" in the justice system. They are beyond any control!! Have experienced this too.

The abysmal difference in Brazil between legal provisions and reality, bears a good testimony to the fact that "good laws" might be important, but what really matters is individual, straightforward conduct, which in turn is the natural result of a culture of legality entailing the willingness by all citizens, including judges and politicians, to honestly respect legal obligations.


100% correct again.


Indeed, Brazil does not have the rule of law because Brazilians have not yet developed this kind of culture.


Sadly, it will take many more years to develop this culture. I enjoyed reading the article and kudos again to Zimmermann.


Spot on written by jakob, June 17, 2008


Ditto about rules and laws in Brazil... When I try to cross the street, it's amazing how EVERY motorists cuts into my path, and does NOT stop to let me pass... Sometimes, even when I'm already 2 meters into the street, they STILL do not stop ... I am amazed every time at this insensitivity, rudeness and lack of civility. As if I, a "mere" pedestrian, have absolutely no rights with respect to car drivers ... Stunning, this lack of upbringing. But hey, it's "culture"!

Wednesday, April 2, 2008

Education, Education & Education is Necessary For Latin America to Succeed in the 21st Century Global Economy

http://american.com/archive/2008/april-04-08/how-to-strengthen-latin-america


How to Strengthen Latin America


By Jaime Daremblum


Wednesday, April 2, 2008


The America Magazine


Filed under: World Watch


The United States should embrace a multi-pronged strategy aimed at improving educational opportunities.


It’s morning in Latin America. From Mexico to Argentina, men and women are going to work and earning good salaries—moving their families out of poverty and into the middle class in unprecedented numbers. (Around 15 million Latin American households, The Economist magazine reports, ceased to be poor between 2002 and 2006.) Inflation, long the scourge of Latin American economies, has fallen into the single digits, and sound fiscal policies are bringing deficits under control. Latin America is also gradually improving its business climate, to the delight of foreign investors. India’s leading steel producer, for instance, recently agreed to invest over $2 billion in a Bolivian iron mine and steel plant.


It seems that after a history of disastrous economic policies, self-destructive political radicalism, and horrific poverty, Latin America is getting its act together.


But don’t cue the feel-good music just yet. Education—and specifically higher education—is the region’s Achilles heel.



Yes, Latin Americans are finding jobs and making money as the economy booms. But if prices for the region’s commodities decline—and there are those who think high prices for Brazilian steel, Chilean copper, and other goods are driving the region’s economic growth—are Latin Americans prepared to be a part of a high-tech, knowledge-based economy?

Right now it is easy to be pessimistic. Not a single Latin American university is ranked among the top 100 in the world by either The Times of London or Shanghai Jiao Tong University (both of which have compiled global rankings). Indeed, only three Latin American institutions make it into the top 200 on either list.


Nor are Latin Americans taking advantage of their proximity to top-ranked U.S. institutions. While large numbers of Asian students now study at American colleges and universities—India has 84,000 students in U.S. colleges, China has nearly 68,000, and South Korea has 62,000, according to the Institute of International Education—only 14,000 Mexican students, 7,100 Brazilian students, and 4,500 Venezuelan students do. India alone has more graduate students on U.S. campuses than all 32 Latin American and Caribbean countries combined.


India alone has more graduate students on U.S. campuses than all 32 Latin American and Caribbean countries combined.


But what if more Latin American students could matriculate at American universities without ever setting foot on American soil? That would be possible if more U.S. universities opened “branch campuses”—that is, satellite campuses in foreign countries intended mainly for foreign students—throughout the region. If Latin Americans cannot or will not go to the United States to receive a high-quality education, the high-quality education can come to them.


Seeking to position themselves as international universities with global reach, American institutions have been establishing these branches abroad for over a decade, mainly in the Persian Gulf and Asia. George Mason University, for example, has a branch in Ras al Khaimah, a city-state that is part of the United Arab Emirates. Cornell University has a medical school in Qatar, and New York University is in the process of establishing a branch in Abu Dhabi. Georgia Tech University, which just won an award for promoting international education, has branch campuses in Singapore and Shanghai.


But why limit branch campuses to the Middle East or Asia? American universities desiring a truly global presence need campuses on every continent. And setting up branches in Latin America would benefit the host countries as well as the American schools: Latin American students would no longer have to settle for a deficient education or go into debt to travel to the United States and pay expensive tuitions. American universities would become more truly global—Cornell sees its medical school in Qatar as furthering “its role as a transnational university”—and would be able to offer new opportunities to faculty.


Finally, branch campuses in Latin America would provide an urgently needed service. The George Mason website explains that the university “looked worldwide and decided that the Arab region was an area where education was needed.” If branch campuses are being located where there is a need for education, then American universities should be looking much closer to home.


Ideally, branch campuses would only be one part of a broader U.S. strategy aimed at improving the quality of education in Latin America. The federal government and private institutions should foster educational exchanges, which create lasting ties and encourage mutual respect.


They should also increase the number of scholarships available to Latin American high school and college students for study in the United States. Such initiatives would help give those students the tools they need to succeed in the global economy.


Jamie Daremblum is director of the Center for Latin American Studies at the Hudson Institute.

Sunday, February 17, 2008

Yearning for [Political AND Economic] Reform and the 17th CPC Congress

Yearning for Reform and the 17th CPC Congress

Caijing Magazine

http://www.caijing.com.cn/English/Editorial/2007-10-17/33915.shtml









The issues of greatest concern to the public are creating checks and balances against abuse of power, extirpating corruption, sustaining a high employment rate, building a social security network and establishing a fair and equal income distribution system. The first two are the core of policital reform and the latter two are directly related to it.


By Hu Shuli


As the current issue of Caijing reaches our readers, the 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of China is getting under way, opening October 15 in Beijing. We previously noted that 2007 was “a year for waiting,” and we tried to predict trends in all domestic fields before this year’s Spring Festival in February. October 15 was the day we had been waiting for.


A new round of reshuffling within the party leadership is now drawing attention in China and from abroad. The Congress will elect a new Central Committee, Politburo and Standing Committee of the Politburo, which is tightly connected to China’s upcoming power structure.


Many who are concerned about China’s future, including people in the business community, overseas observers and the general public, are anticipating newer and more profound guidelines for political reform from this Congress. For example, a poll conducted by the official Xinhuanet Web site shows that the issues of greatest concern to the public are creating checks and balances against abuse of power, extirpating corruption, sustaining a high employment rate, building a social security network and establishing a fair and equal income distribution system. The first two are the core of policital reform and the latter two are directly related to it. These results evidently shows that the public is yearning for reform.


China’s reform process has spanned the past 30 years, starting in 1978. Political reform is making progress by, for example, replacing lifelong rule for leaders with limited terms, dividing government and party functions, launching trials for grassroots democratic elections, and considering a proposal to institute the “rule of law”. It is fair to say that China’s political reforms have accomplished a lot. However, compared with the forceful and well-paced economic reform, political reform is obviously lagging behind, which results in a gap that strains the society.


Currently, the public’s top concern is the rampant corruption and an imbalanced power system, while intellectuals are worried about the trend toward monopoly in the market.


Deng Xiaoping, chief architect of the reforms that opened up China, pointed out in the 1980s that “political reform and economic reform should depend on each other and cooperate. Economic reform will not work if political reform is not keeping pace.” He concluded that “whether our reform is able to succeed ultimately depends on a reform of the political system.” Deng’s remarks have been quoted again and again, but the tide has yet to turn toward political and economic reforms that “depend on each other and cooperate.” China’s economic development has scored tremendous achievements, and its positive experience with economic transition has been acknowledged by the world. However, political reform still has a long way to go.


Political reform results are relatively lagging not only because of the inherent complexity and sensitivity of reform, but also because some groups with vested interests in the status quo have purposely hindered reform. Reform is also being negatively influenced by certain misunderstandings and an excessively cautious stance.


For example, some argue that pushing forward with political reform will be destablizing. Yet, in fact, maintaining the status quo without any reform creates a hotbed for social turbulence. Some consider “democracy” and “constitutional government” as capitalistic attributes. Yet these are not only fruits of civilization shared by all humans but also the commitments that China should fulfill according to UN human rights conventions. Some think political reform should be conducted silently, which is against a principle of democracy that requires public participation in decision-making.


In the face of all these established roadblocks, political reform becomes a sensitive issue, and some efforts in this arena are filed under other titles to divert pubic attention. In this way, overall planning for political reform becomes improbable. Clearing away misunderstandings, updating concepts and reiterating purposes are necessary steps toward reform.


At the center of political reform is democratization. Just as economic reform cannot divert from the road toward market reform, political reform cannot divert from democratization.


Hu Jintao, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, has made many comments about democracy in recent years. He has pointed out “there will not be modernization without democratization,” stressing “people’s legal access to democratic elections, decision-making, management and supervision” and proposing “the development of democratic politics with Chinese characteristics through a system of governing for the people, by the people in order to institutionalize, standardize and set procedures for socialist democracy. We should adopt democratic system, forms and measures to ensure that people can be real hosts of their own homeland.” In his “6-25” keynote speech, Hu reiterated the goal of “developing socialist democratic politics.” There are democratic connotations in concepts such as “scientific development,” “people-oriented policy” and “harmonious society.” These have been proposed by a new generation of leaders and have obtained public approval.


Comprehending political reform is hard, and pushing forward even harder. The task is made more difficult by the necessity to consider Chinese culture. Although a prosperous economy provides a sound, external environment for reform, political reform, as a massive project, still requires statesmenship, bold but well-calculated experimentation. People now hope for reform as well as stability; they can face reality and yearn for change. Such hopes spark in the grassroot, which brings challenges, opportunities and a test for the leadership.

The Chinese Are Gradually Learning the Virtues of Political AND Economic Freedom

The Thin Chinese Line

By John Pomfret January/February 2008

Foreign Policy Magazine

Caijing, Issue 196, No. 21, October 15, 2007, Beijing

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/users/login.php?story_id=4085&URL=http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4085

“Yearning for Reform." It's not exactly the type of headline you'd expect to see on an opinion piece written by the editor of a Chinese publication. But that's what Hu Shuli titled the lead editorial of the October 15 issue of Caijing magazine. Written in the run-up to China's Communist Party Congress, she argued convincingly that China needs democratic changes, and it needs them now. Exactly what the party leadership should do, Caijing left us only to guess. Still, the fact that a mainstream Chinese publication openly embraced democracy means something in today's China.


Although unusual for most Chinese media, Hu's gutsy editorial was typical fare for the readers of Caijing. An amalgam of Forbes, Fortune, and BusinessWeek, with a muckraking edge that makes it hard to categorize, Caijing is China's leading financial magazine. With a circulation of about 100,000, Caijing focuses most of its energy on battling the crony capitalism widespread in China's business world. Occasionally, it takes even bigger risks by tackling Chinese government officials themselves, such as with the magazine's in-depth and influential coverage of the SARS epidemic in 2002.


With the tightening of restrictions on the Chinese media due to the insecurity and lack of vision of Hu Jintao, China's current president, Caijing has often found itself the only media outlet in China that's covering important stories that make headlines in the outside world. It alone profiled Jiang Yanyong, the whistle-blowing doctor who accused Chinese authorities of lying about the extent of the SARS epidemic. In June 2005, it broke the story of Zhang Enzhao, the former chairman of China Construction Bank who had mysteriously "resigned" his post a month earlier and was under investigation for corruption.


That story was revelatory for the Chinese press; the confirmation that Zhang was in trouble came from a court case filed in the United States. Chinese reporters realized, said one former editor, that "even if the Chinese government kept quiet about cross-border scandals and shut up all domestic sources, there's a sea of open information beyond China's borders that is fair game to anybody with good language, investigative, and research skills."


Caijing's investigatory zeal has helped prompt significant change in China. In 2001, the magazine reported that Yinguangxia, the second-largest company on China's stock exchange, had falsely reported hundreds of millions in profits. Although some government officials backed the company and wanted to censor the article, Caijing used a fake cover to trick those officials into thinking the magazine was publishing something else. After the story ran, the Communist Party turned around and embraced the idea that listed companies needed to be regulated; it passed laws to regulate China's stock markets and issued regulations allowing classaction lawsuits. "We focus on the role of watchdog more, thinking about pushing transparency and honoring the public's right to know," says Hu, Caijing's editor. "We'd like to think of ourselves as woodpeckers, chipping away at China, trying to prevent the country from slipping into the trap of crony capitalism."


Hu also has backup. Caijing's publisher is Wang Boming, a garrulous scion of China's Communist aristocracy. Wang's father, Wang Bingnan, was a former deputy foreign minister and worked closely with then Premier Zhou Enlai. Wang is on a firstname basis with many senior Chinese officials; something that can come in handy when Caijing butts its head against China's censorship rules.


A graduate of Columbia Law School, Wang returned to China in 1989 with the dream of founding China's first stock exchange. He succeeded, twice; exchanges were started in Shenzhen and Shanghai. With that work done, Wang started an investment firm and a media company he called seeC and began publishing magazines.


In 2003, Wang engineered to have seeC's advertising and distribution business listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, marking the first time that a Chinese media company had placed its shares abroad. That financial success means that Caijing boasts the country's biggest editorial budget per journalist, giving its staff plenty of time and resources for the investigative long-form journalism that has become its hallmark. It also means Caijing's journalists are paid well enough to avoid the normal practice among Chinese reporters of accepting a payoff in return for favorable coverage.


Thanks in part to Caijing, the range and depth of topics that are regularly explored in the pages of China's press and on its airwaves has increased. Social issues such as premarital sex, homosexuality, AIDS, domestic violence, corruption, and illegal land sales by Communist Party functionaries-all taboo in the past-can now be explored with unprecedented candor.


In October's editorial, Hu addressed her argument to China's political and economic elite, among whom the idea of democratic reform has lost traction because many fear losing the enormous gains they've made in recent years. "Some argue that pushing forward with political reform will be destabilizing," she wrote. "Yet, in fact, maintaining the status quo without any reform creates a hotbed for social turbulence."


But is anyone at Party Central listening? I think not. Caijing may have helped contribute to an information revolution in China, but the political revolution is still a long way off. Communist Party censors routinely shutter wayward newspapers, fire gutsy editors, and jail recalcitrant reporters. And though gutsy editors like Hu Shuli occasionally dare mention the need for political reform, there's no sign that the Communists are willing to change their one-party ways.


So far, Caijing has escaped the often cruel fate of a Chinese periodical: a padlocked front gate and a silenced printing press. But Caijing, like other Chinese media, also pulls its punches. The Tiananmen Square crackdown is off-limits. So is reporting about the practices of Falun Gong. And during the SARS epidemic, the magazine killed a major investigation into the failure of the party secretary of Guangdong Province to deal with the disease when it first erupted in November of 2002.


Is the plucky Beijing weekly a sign of China's future, or just pretty window dressing tolerated by a party that understands the uses of a loyal opposition? As a cautious pessimist about the cause of political change in China, I sadly vote for the latter. Caijing pulls its punches because it must. In a country with an eager supply of informants and a journalistic ethos more focused on printing puff pieces for cash, Caijing may be a rare bird, but it's one that seems fated to live caged.

Sunday, January 27, 2008

Winning the Day in Latin America and Defeating Chavez’s Dream: How the US-Peru FTA is combating Bolivarianism and Regional Socialism

http://www.gwdiscourse.com/worldwatchblog/2007/12/19/winning-the-day-in-latin-america.html

Winning the Day in Latin America and Defeating Chavez’s Dream: How the US-Peru FTA is combating Bolivarianism and Regional Socialism


By: Osman Aziz


December 19, 2007


Recent developments in Latin America, chiefly the passing of the US-Peru FTA on December 7 and the nationwide referendum on Chavez's socialist dream harbors significant undertones for a region that is emerging on the global stage.



In a way, two competing ideologies are meeting face to face in a heated battle to see who emerges as victor. Chavez's defeat in Caracas points to the mollification of a backlash in Latin America, namely one against the meddling of foreign elements of western influence. So the question boils down to this: why is capitalism and free trade, as opposed to the socialist doctrines of Chavez, Morales, and Cuba, winning the day in Latin America?



Populist leaders such as Chavez and Morales have long relied on a political platform that vindicates the US and its supposed interests in exploiting Latin America. This popularity has been undercut, at least specifically in Venezuela, by rampant inflation that has placed the value of food and bare necessities far higher that the average Venezuelan can afford. Although the situation in Venezuela has been mitigated by the presence of massive oil revenues flowing into the nationalized oil company PVDSA, Chavez's utter hatred for the private sector has contributed to faulty social programs and an underestimation of market forces.



"In Venezuela's case this has been exacerbated by Mr. Chavez's ideological hostility to the private sector, which has involved selective nationalization and intermittent threats to private property. While many private companies (and banks) have done well out of the boom, they have been loth to make long term investments. Imports have risen fourfold over the past four years, while GDP has expanded by only half over the same period." [1]



Although Venezuelans have prospered marginally from Chavez's social programs and his redistribution of oil funds, the very fact that a sustainable paradigm of free trade and the protection of private property are being fundamentally undercut by Chavez's regime has contributed to a sense of fear in Venezuela over long term investments. Since no guarantee or promise exists that any form of investment by private capital will actually yield returns (due to the tenuous nature of the protection of private interests in Venezuela), many Venezuelans have resigned themselves to poor economic and investment prospects for the foreseeable future.



However, this trend hasn't been the norm in other parts of Latin America as is evidenced by the Heritage's foundation "Index of Economic Freedom". The annual report, which documents different factors that contribute to the overall nature of economic freedom found that the Americas has maintained a sustainable level of economic freedom that has contributed to the rise of per capita GDP over the last decade or so. However, the report also found that protectionist policies being adopted by numerous regimes in the region threaten the integrity of such sustainability by subjecting it to unfair practices that deter foreign investment.



"The recent rise of populists like Evo Morales and Hugo Chávez threatens to widen the freedom gap in the Americas even more. The Americas has been the second-highest region in terms of freedom since 1999, when it was the world leader. That was before Argentina's economic implosion and the protectionist policy responses that followed, notably the weakened average trade score." [2]




The question that now faces a region such as Latin America is what definitive direction it seeks to pursue in the next few years. The passing of the US-Peru FTA recently may be an indicator that the socialist backlash that seemed to be taking hold in South America is losing its grip. Additionally, an indication of growth, coupled with a political atmosphere that may be conducive to free trade is potentially turning the tide. The nature of the US-Peru FTA and what it seeks to bring to the table is a complex matter. Some argue, such as Congressman Sandy Levin of the House Ways and Means Committee, that the agreements do not go far enough in enforcing labor law rights in Peru. Specifically, he argues that provisions under the FTA do not address the underlying ineptitudes of the current condition in Peru.



" I favor a U.S.- Peru FTA, but this Agreement is bad for U.S. standing in the Latin American region. In negotiating trade agreements, the U.S. should not once again be locking in the status quo, but given constructive opportunities, helping to leverage change. The use of the standard, "enforce your own laws" in relationship to workers and their rights, when change is vitally needed, puts us on the wrong side of people who know the current law is not working to their benefit." [3]



Although Levin raises legitimate concerns with regards to the nature of labor rights in Peru and elsewhere in Latin America, his lack of consideration for the fact that such an FTA would open up Peru for considerations in complying with international labor standards, a consideration that would have been pounced upon by leaders such as Morales and Chavez as "neo-imperialist," is frankly questionable.



Conflicts within the Ways and Means Committee over the nature of an ITUC report on the status of labor rights in Peru was a major point of contention. According to a release by the WAMC on the issue of labor rights, it was related that the ITUC report in question actually provided for "legally binding amendments" which restricts Peru from reneging on its labor rights provisions. If the Peruvian government was to be found not in compliance with such binding amendments, the US government would have the mandate to challenge the Peruvian government in the same tradition of a commercial treaty violation. [4] Regardless, the widespread acceptance that the US Peru FTA garnered in the Peru legislature itself is evidence unto itself of the willingness of the government of Peru to comply by the universal force of free trade and trade liberalization.



The overall effect that the US-Peru FTA will have in quelling the increasing tide of socialism across the landscape of Latin America is, at best, minimal. However, unlike most efforts being made to combat this trend, the FTA's being negotiated with the Latin American region are profoundly symbolic for the area as a whole.



With such virulent anti-American rhetoric such as that originating from Chavez, Latin America deserves the chance to partake in the global market by making its resources, both physically and intellectually, open to the greater global financial dynamic. It's high time that such populist movements as that of Bolivianarianism be shelved by the promises of sustainability that are inherently bound in the spirit and practice of Free Trade Agreements and international trade.


* Osman Aziz works as an undergraduate intern at the ITSSD


[1] The Economist. The wind goes out of the revolution. December 8th, 2007
[2] 2007 Index of Economic Freedom. Economic Freedom in Five Regions. (2007)
[3] Sandy Levin on the US-Peru FTA
[4] House Ways and Means Committee. LABOR REPORT SHOWS IMPORTANCE OF STRONG LABOR PROVISIONS OF THE PERU FTA. (October 29, 2007)

Saturday, January 19, 2008

Europe in the vice

http://igst.blogspot.com/2007/12/europe-in-vice.html


The structure of the European Union is such that power will ebb inexorably away from national governments and flow to Brussels. European Union laws supersede national laws and can be enacted to some degree free of control by national legislatures. This bodes ill for Europe.


Any hope that there are strong constituencies within the European Union willing to safeguard democratic control of government cannot but be dashed when there is such evident contempt for voters in European political circles as evidenced by the manner in which they are attempting to implement the defunct E.U. Constitution.


First, the structure of the E.U. that facilitates centralization:


[L]aws in the EU are made by the Council of Ministers, i.e. the committee of 27 ministers for whichever subject is being voted on, EU integration means that governments receive wide-ranging law-making powers.


This is, of course, incompatible with the principle of the separation of powers. According to that principle, the executive power (the government) should be separate from, and accountable to, the legislature (the national parliament) and of course the judiciary. Dictatorship is precisely the form of government in which the executive is not so constrained, and this is also the case in the EU.


Because the EU represents a dramatic and constant transfer of legislative power from national legislatures to national executives (sitting in the Council of Ministers), it can also be dubbed “a permanent coup d’état”. . . . The fact that the Council of Ministers, the EU’s legislature, meets and votes in secret only makes the fundamentally anti-democratic character of the European construction even clearer.[1]


The structure of the European Union thus favors a dangerous transfer of power to a Council of Ministers meeting and voting in secret.


The conduct of the E.U.'s proponents, as opposed to its structure, shows similar contempt for democratic governance. Witness the underhanded way in which the previously rejected-by-voters E.U. constitution is being foisted back on the people of Britain and Europe by merely breaking apart the same constitution and attaching those parts to existing treaties. This is being done by a process of amendment, which amendments deliberately use impenetrable hypertechnical language and require the interested observer to plough back through the extant treaties to understand how a disembodied amending provision relates back.


Then there's always the aboveboard contempt for European voters. From Valery Giscard d'Estaing, former president of France:


The rejection of the constitution [by the voters in referendums] was a mistake which will have to be corrected [by more sagacious people].[2]


And:


"Public opinion will be led to adopt, without knowing it, the proposals that we dare not present to them directly [...] All the earlier proposals will be in the new text, but will be hidden and disguised in some way.[3]


This drift toward a powerful and unconstrained executive in the European Union is deathly serious. It is the opposite approach taken by our founding document, which should be as useful a guide to Europeans as it is -- or might be -- to us.


Alas, European political leaders now flirt with centralization of power in a manner demonstrating that the preeminent political lesson of the twentieth century was not learned. They thus risk laying the foundation for an oppressive superstate. How far this process will go before Europe slides back into black fascism or red fascism is no small question.


Tragically, at the same time, these political leaders remain blind to – or cowed by -- the totalitarian menace growing in their midst, but which has its roots not in the twentieth but in the seventh century.


Europe is now effectively caught between the arms of a vice.


Notes
[1] "Why Europe’s National Politicians Sign Away National Sovereignty." By John Laughland, The Brussels Journal, 12/19/07 (emphasis added).
[2] "The Betrayal of Freedom in Europe: Back in the EUSSR." The Brussels Journal, 12/19/07.
[3] Id. (Emphasis added.)

posted by Col. B. Bunny at 12/19/2007

Monday, January 14, 2008

In Looney Britain, Citizens Don't Even Have 'Property Rights' in Themselves!!

[Property means] that dominion which one man claims and
exercises over the external things of the world, in exclusion
of every other individual. . . . [I]t embraces everything to
which a man may attach a value and have a right; and
which leaves to every one else the like advantage. In the former
sense, a man’s land, or merchandize, or money is called
his property. In the latter sense, a man has a property in
his opinions and the free communication of them. . . . He
has a property very dear to him in the safety and liberty of
his person. He has an equal property in the free use of his
faculties and free choice of the objects on which to employ
them. In a word, as a man is said to have a right to his
property, he may be equally said to have a property in his
rights
.


JAMES MADISON, Property, THE NAT’L GAZETTE, Mar. 29, 1792, reprinted in 14
THE PAPERS OF JAMES MADISON 266-67 (Robert A. Rutland et al. eds., 1983) (emphasis added).



British PM Urges No-consent Organ Harvesting

By Patrick Hennessy

Article published Jan 14, 2008 January 14, 2008 \

LONDON SUNDAY TELEGRAPH LONDON —

Prime Minister Gordon Brown yesterday threw his weight behind a move to allow hospitals to remove organs from dead patients without explicit consent.


Writing in the Sunday Telegraph, Mr. Brown said such a move would save thousands of lives and that he hopes such a system can start this year. The proposals would mean consent for organ donation after death would be automatically presumed, unless individuals had opted out of a national register or family members objected. But patients' groups said they are "totally opposed" to Mr. Brown's plan, arguing it would take away patients' rights over their own bodies.

There are more than 8,000 patients awaiting organ donation in Britain, and more than 1,000 a year die without receiving the organ that could save their lives. The government next week will begin an overhaul of the system, putting pressure on doctors and nurses to identify more "potential organ donors" from dying patients.

Hospitals will be rated for the number of deceased patients they "convert" into donors, and doctors will be expected to identify potential donors earlier and alert donor coordinators as patients approach death. But Mr. Brown, who carries a donor card, made it clear he backs an even-more radical revamp of the system, which would lead to donation by "presumed consent."

The approach is modeled on that of Spain, which has the highest proportion of organ donors in the world. "A system of this kind seems to have the potential to close the aching gap between the potential benefits of transplant surgery in the [United Kingdom] and the limits imposed by our current system of consent," Mr. Brown wrote. He voted against such a system in 2004 — but sources close to the prime minister said Saturday night that the measure proposed at that time did not allow families to have the final say.

Patients' groups said they are appalled by Mr. Brown's intervention. "They call it presumed consent, but it is no consent at all," said Joyce Robin, from the watchdog group Patient Concern.

"They are relying on inertia and ignorance to get the results that they want." She said the government has made little effort to recruit people to donate organs after death. "Where is the big media campaign? Where are the leaflets? Why, when I go to see my [doctor], doesn't he ask me about organ donation? These are the things they should be doing — not taking away our right to decide what happens to our bodies." Katherine Murphy, of the Patients Association charity, agreed. "We don't think a private decision, which is a matter of individual conscience, should be taken by the state. If people want to give the gift of life, that is their right, but it must be something that is a voluntary matter."

A task force report to be released tomorrow calls for a senior doctor to be appointed in every hospital as a "champion" of donation, along with a lay person to spread the message about the importance of donation locally. The task force, which is to publish a report on "presumed consent" this summer, hopes its 14 recommendations will lead to 50 percent more donations in five years.

Tuesday, January 1, 2008

11/6/07 E-mail Correspondences Between Roger Helmer UK Member of European Parliament & Lawrence Kogan, ITSSD CEO

The following reflects a series of e-mail correspondences between Roger Helmer, UK Member of the European Parliament and ITSSD CEO/President Lawrence Kogan during November 6, 2007:

The Context:

The correspondences arose as the result of a recent UK Telegraph article entitled "Giscard: EU Treaty is the Constitution Rewritten". See: http://itssdeconomicfreedom.blogspot.com/2008/01/destaing-french-father-of-europe-admits.html .

The ITSSD believes it is critical to emphasize to the American people how the EU Brussels institutions and leadership tried to get the renegotiated EU treaty past the electorate without a referendum.

According to ITSSD CEO Lawrence Kogan,

"If, as is apparent, the EU governmental apparatus in Brussels, which includes representatives of the EU member states, would endeavor to deceive its own citizens in this fashion, what do you think it would endeavor to do to the United States as the result of entering into the Faustian bargain it appears to have concluded with the White House concerning the trade-off of EU support for PSI in exchange for US support of UNCLOS [United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea - See: "UNCLOS Alchemy" at: http://itssd.blogspot.com/2007/11/unclos-alchemy.html ] and other environmental treaties?"

In response to the UK Telegraph article and to this point delivered by an intermediary, Roger Helmer made the following Nov. 6 comment:

"...[A]ny number of EU leaders have been falling over themselves to say that the Treaty is 90%, or 95%, or 98% of the Constitution. It is quite extraordinary that Gordon Brown and his ministers can go round insisting that the Treaty is "a totally different document" in the face of all this publicity. You may like to know that the London think-tank Open Europe has done an excellent line-by-line comparison of the two documents, which makes the case beyond denial.


E-Mail Correspondences:

From: lkogan [mailto:lkoganlaw@msn.com]
Sent: 06 November 2007 15:10
To: HELMER Roger
Subject: FW: the Giscard D'Estaing's comment on EU treaty
Importance: High


Dear Mr. Helmer:

I was recently forwarded your note in response to our concern about the D'Estaing article appearing in a recent issue of the Telegraph. It is fascinating how, in this day and age of interconnectedness and immediate information that politicians would try to 'pull a fast one' over on the electorate as they seemingly have tried to do on both sides of the pond - the EU as concerns the Lisbon Treaty/Constitution; the White House as concerns the UNCLOS.

We have been tracking the EU constitutional debate most recently since at least June and have concluded that the failure to resolve the constitutional conundrum in the manner desired by the 'fathers of Europe' would deal a death-knell blow to the federalism concept and preserve England's national sovereignty.

We also found that the UN climate change debate which now focuses on preserving the marine environment with the US ratification of UNCLOS serves as another diversion from this constitutional dilemma. It seems that the Brussels' institutions need to 'project outward' their environmental concerns and proposed solutions in order to cure the failings within the union, even if it means infringing on fundamental human/constitutional rights, 'negative' exclusive private property rights chief among them. Please see:
http://www.itssd.org/White%20Papers/Europe_sWarningsonClimateChangeBelieMoreNuancedConcerns.pdf

Lastly, we are curious to know why D'Estaing 'outed' Brussels on the Treaty/Constitution. Was it merely an exercise of 'damage control' given that the information had been publicly 'leaked', or is there more to his confession???

We will soon highlight the parallel of these two situations to the American public.

Thank you for your consideration and interest.

Sincerely,

Lawrence A. Kogan, Esq.
President/CEO
Institute for Trade, Standards and Sustainable Development (ITSSD)

************************************************************************************


From: HELMER Roger [mailto:roger.helmer@europarl.europa.eu]
Sent: Tuesday, November 06, 2007 10:13 AM
To: lkogan
Subject: RE: the Giscard D'Estaing's comment on EU treaty

Dear Lawrence,

Thanks for this: good to hear from you. Thanks also for your interesting comments, and for the link.

On your question about Giscard: we have a bizarre situation where European politicians not under pressure to hold referenda are actually proud of their achievement in retaining most of the failed Constitution. They feel they have solved a problem. On the Open Europe web-site you will find a whole series of comments from them, many containing numerical estimates. They seek to outbid each other, claiming 90%, 95%, 98% of the Constitution "saved". You will also find a point-by-point comparison of the clauses in the Constitution and in the "Treaty".

Giscard himself has a lot of personal capital invested in the Constitution, and its rejection was a huge set-back for him personally. So he is intensely proud that virtually every line has been saved.

But at the same time politicians facing pressure for referenda, like our own Gordon Brown, have no option but to insist that it's a quite different document. Indeed in terms of technical structure they have a point. It is an amending treaty, in kind like earlier treaties. It is not a Constitution, which would have swept away the confused dog's breakfast of the early sequence of treaties, while codifying all their substance into a single text.

But this is a minor technical point. In terms of practical effect, the governance of the EU and the independence of member states, it is identical.

Best regards.
ROGER HELMER
www.rogerhelmer.com

************************************************************************************


From: lkogan [mailto:lkoganlaw@msn.com]
Sent: 06 November 2007 16:24
To: HELMER Roger
Subject: RE: the Giscard D'Estaing's comment on EU treaty

Dear Roger,

Thank you for your most thorough reply.

Is there a way to create public demand in Europe for more referenda considering that the 'fundamental' right of Europeans 'to be heard' is being trampled on?

Perhaps we could coordinate some type of campaign on this bringing in an assortment of organizations to expose the old 'form over substance' shenanigan being employed at the expense of individual rights??? Will this be their future under a Brussels-driven technocracy of philosopher kings??

Would this hold any sway with the electorate at this point in history?

Best Regards,

Lawrence

************************************************************************************


From: HELMER Roger [mailto:roger.helmer@europarl.europa.eu]
Sent: Tuesday, November 06, 2007 10:33 AM
To: lkogan
Subject: RE: the Giscard D'Estaing's comment on EU treaty

Dear Lawrence,

I really appreciate your offer of help, but we already have a series of campaigns focussed on demanding referenda both in individual countries and more widely. Anything you can do to raise awareness of the cynical and deceitful disregard of the European élites for public opinion and democratic values would be much appreciated.

Meantime you are right to point out to an America audience how quickly democracy can tip over into authoritarianism.

I never thought I would say this, but there is a fundamental flaw in our democratic process. Because the EU is a cross-cutting issue for our major political parties, it can leave the voter with no clear way of expressing dissent (except in euro-elections, where the share of vote for rejectionist fringe parties goes shooting up).

That is why various non-party organisations and movements are involved in the campaign. See www.tfa.net; www.betteroffout.co.uk .

Best regards. R.

************************************************************************************


From: lkogan [mailto:lkoganlaw@msn.com]
Sent: 06 November 2007 18:23
To: HELMER Roger
Subject: RE: the Giscard D'Estaing's comment on EU treaty

Dear Roger,

Would you be willing to permit me to quote any passage within your correspondence to me to show the authenticity of the democratic deficit in the EU and Britain?? If not, I understand and will respect your wishes to keep my comments general as to the issue without reference to you by name or position.

This may help to drive home the seriousness of what is occurring on both sides of the pond.

Best Regards,

Lawrence

************************************************************************************


From: HELMER Roger
Sent: Tuesday, 06 November 2007 12:47 PM
To: lkogan
Subject: RE: the Giscard D'Estaing's comment on EU treaty

Dear Lawrence,

Absolutely. Go for it. And also feel free to quote from my blog, which covers these matters in more detail, or to offer a link to the blog.

Best regards. Roger.

http://rogerhelmermep.wordpress.com/

Roger Helmer - UK Member of EU Parliament - "Straight Talking" Newsletter Nov. 2007

STRAIGHT TALKING November 2007

Roger Helmer's electronic newsletter from Brussels

roger.helmer@europarl.europa.eu

Quote of the Month

"(If we came to power after the EU Treaty was ratified) we would be in a situation where we had a new treaty in force that lacked demo­cratic legitimacy ..... this would not be acceptable to a Conservative government, and we would not let matters rest there". William Hague MP, Shadow Foreign Secretary, quoted in the Indy of Nov 13th. Well said William. I'll drink to that.

Pro Referendum Rally

Saturday Oct 27th saw public and politicians converge on Westminster to demand a referendum on the Renamed Constitution (pictures on the web-site). Addressing the crowd from an open-topped double-decker bus were Bob Spink MP (Con); Dan Hannan MEP (Con); myself; Nigel Farage MEP (UKIP); and Jens-Peter Bonde, a Danish sceptic MEP.

Parliamentarians representing around 30 million people placed voting papers in a symbolic Ballot Box. The message was clear: we demand a referendum. Is Gordon listening? It seems that only he and a few of his ministers still pretend that there's any material difference between the new Treaty and the failed Constitution.

I have recently made a submission to the House of Lords on this issue on behalf of The Freedom Association. See the text here.


Village referenda

Meantime we've been using the 1972 Local Government Act to force village polls demanding a national referendum. I helped at Loughton (Milton Keynes, just over the regional border) where Conservative Councillor Don Hoyle had set up a poll (95% voted in favour). Meantime in Broughton Astley, England's largest village, in Leicestershire, Ron Clements set up a poll on Nov 1st.

CO2 emissions from cars

The EU Commission has been proposing legislation to require average emissions from each car manufacturer to be reduced to 120 gms/km by 2012. I recorded a piece on the national BBC1 Politics Show on Oct 28th.

This proposal would do huge damage to the industry. But it's also rotten value for money. The European Climate Change Panel has established a series of cost effective measure that could more than achieve our Kyoto targets for less than €20 per ton of CO2. But the cost of the Commission's auto proposal is calculated to be between €132 and €233 a ton. It is amazingly wasteful, damaging and inefficient.

There will be those who say that this issue is so important, we should ignore the cost. But put it like this: if you have €200 to spend on the environment, would you rather stop one ton of CO2 with auto legislation, or 10 tons through more efficient projects? Energy conservation is a less glamorous but much more cost effective approach.

There are even initiatives which would save CO2 and money. For example, if we consolidated the European parliament on one site in Brussels, we would save €200 million a year, and 90,000 tons of CO2! If we built more nuclear power stations, we would save CO2 and save money -- because nuclear electricity is now significantly cheaper than power from fossil fuels.


Chris scores a big hit

Before a recent vote in plenary on pesticide legislation, Chris Heaton-Harris got up on a point of order and remarked that we MEPs had all received a flood of lobbying material from an outfit called Pesticide Watch -- an umbrella group for a bunch of environmental NGOs including Friends of the Earth (acronym "FoE", and rightly so!), most of which receive substantial EU funding.

So here we have the Commission spending tax-payers' money to lobby the European parliament to support the Commission's own legislation! How weird and wasteful and incestuous is that? Chris got some good press coverage on the back of it.

Environment spokesman Stavros Dimas responded that in order to remedy the admitted "democratic deficit" in the EU, it was necessary to support NGOs who could represent the public. Trouble is, they don't represent the public. They are mostly run by single-issue zealots whose first objective is to ensure their own future by exaggerating problems. If we're out to cure the democratic deficit, these NGOs are part of the problem, not part of the solution. There is more to democracy that having the Commission talk to pressure groups that it funds itself.

...Book Choice:

THE SKY'S NOT FALLING: Why it's OK to Chill about Global Warming.

By Holly Fretwell. ISBN 9780 9767 26944. Published by "Kids Ahead Books"

This is a great book for kids, if you want to counter the insidious climate hysteria propaganda in our schools. Described as "fact-filled, fun, apolitical, and optimistic about the future of our magnificent planet", it's aimed at the bright 8 to 12 year old -- but it looks like a good read for grown-ups too. See www.worldahead.com


Two other books...

Stuart Clark, a respected science journalist, has written "The Sun Kings". It raises the intriguing story of astronomer William Herschel, who noticed that the cycle of sunspots correlated with the price of wheat -- but was ridiculed because no one could see a connection. We now know that sunspots drive the Sun's magnetic field, which in turn affects the cosmic ray flux in Earth's upper atmosphere, cloud formation, cloud cover, climate, grain crop yields -- and hence the price of wheat. See link.

Meantime Christopher Booker and Richard North have written "Scared to Death", which deals with the psychology of the repeated media scares that emerge. Remember the Millennium Bug? Of course their big target is global warming, but they have fascinating chapters on other subjects -- including the reason why the rise of the speed camera seems to correlate with a rise in traffic accidents and road deaths. See link.

Will America Follow the UK Down the 'Slippery Slope' of Unaccountable EU-Driven Global Governance? UK 'I Want a Referendum' Campaign Instructive

IWR Campaigning Across the Country

http://www.iwantareferendum.com/PRDetail.aspx?ArticleID=1137

Press releases
16/10/07


...Why we need a referendum

EU leaders admit the new treaty is the same as the old EU Constitution

In the 2005 election the Government promised to hold a referendum on the proposed EU Constitution. Later that year, French and Dutch voters overwhelmingly rejected the Constitution in their own referendums.

But EU leaders refused to listen. They are now trying to reintroduce the rejected Constitution in the form of a new treaty. Although they have changed the name, the contents are almost exactly the same. This is a deeply dishonest process.

The author of the Constitution, Valery Giscard d’Estaing, says: “All the earlier proposals will be in the new text, but will be hidden and disguised in some way.”

The Spanish Prime Minister Jose Zapatero admits: “We have not let a single substantial point of the Constitutional Treaty go… It is, without a doubt, much more than a treaty. This is a project of foundational character, a treaty for a new Europe.”

The German Chancellor Angela Merkel says simply: “The substance of the Constitution is preserved. That is a fact.”

To find out more about what people across Europe are saying about the revised EU Constitution download our pamphlet: "They said it".
[ http://www.iwantareferendum.com/publication/theysaidit.pdf ].

Only 10 out of 250 proposals in the “new” treaty are different from the proposals in the original EU Constitution. In other words, 96% of the text is the same as the rejected Constitution. Of the few changes there are, very few are of any significance – for example, the new version of the Constitutional Treaty no longer mentions the symbols of the Union, like its flag and anthem. However, of course these symbols already exist.

The think-tank Open Europe has produced a side-by-side textual comparison of the old and new versions of the Constitution. You can download a copy here.
http://www.iwantareferendum.com/case.aspx

They said it: What people are saying about the new EU Constitution
http://www.iwantareferendum.com/publication/theysaidit.pdf


The Constitutional Treaty – what does it mean in practice?

(2) Weakening our ability to say “no” to EU laws we don’t want

A new voting system would cut Britain’s power to block EU laws it opposes by 30%. The UK’s veto - our right to say no - would be given up in 60 new areas covering everything from employment law to energy policy.

This could mean, for example:

Higher fuel bills. The European Commission has proposed a huge increase in oil reserves, which would have cost the UK up to £3 billion to implement. Previously the UK was able to veto this proposal, but under the Constitution it could go ahead.

The Government was able to water down some of the most damaging aspects of the EU’s Financial Services Action Plan by forming a blocking minority with a number of small member states. Many of the proposals were purely intended to favour other EU countries over the UK, and could have cost the UK billions. With our power to block legislation cut this would not have been possible.

Inevitably even more regulation would be passed. According to the Government’s own figures EU regulation since 1998 has cost the UK £40 billion. The Constitutional Treaty would mean even higher costs. No wonder that polls show that 81% of UK firms want the EU to do less, not more.
http://www.iwantareferendum.com/case3.aspx


The Constitutional Treaty – what does it mean in practice?

(1) Making it harder to fight crime


The Constitutional Treaty would give the EU considerable new powers over crime, policing and the law courts.


EU judges would gain power over justice and policing for the first time. The European Court of Justice would become the highest court in the land and would begin to set the UK's substantive criminal law. The Government has admitted that this would be a fundamental transfer of “national sovereignty”.

It would become illegal under EU law to try someone twice for the same crime. This would mean that criminals like Billy Dunlop, who was successfully convicted of murdering Julie Hogg when new evidence came to light 15 years after he was originally acquitted, would not have been convicted.


The Constitutional Treaty also states that “the severity of penalties must not be disproportionate to the criminal offence”, which could undermine the discretion of British judges to keep infamous killers like Rosemary West in jail permanently.


EU officials have already told a BBC reporter that they will use their new powers to pass judgement on the UK’s anti-terror laws. The BBC’s Europe Editor reported: “A Commission spokesman was telling me, “Well we’d want to look at things like Belmarsh, can you hold foreign suspects indefinitely?” The Commission don’t like it, so Britain could get hammered.”


The EU would gain other new powers over criminal justice. The EU’s police force, Europol, would be able to initiate investigations on British soil for the first time, making it more like a European version of America’s FBI.

This could have worrying implications. Unlike British police forces, Europol’s officers are largely unaccountable. They cannot be compelled to testify in court and are immune from prosecution for acts performed in the course of their duties. Europol also has its own problems with corruption – for example its offices were raided by Belgian police as part of a fraud investigation.


The European Prosecutor “Eurojust” will also get sweeping new powers. Johannes Thuy, a spokesman for Eurojust, confirmed that “We could compel the British police to make a prosecution.”
Next page
http://www.iwantareferendum.com/case2.aspx


The Constitutional Treaty – what does it mean in practice?

(3) Less control over asylum and migration

The European Court of Justice would gain substantial new powers to determine the rights of migrants. There would be far more rulings like the recent Chindamo case, in which the UK Government found itself powerless to deport the convicted murderer of school headmaster Philip Lawrence.


The Government has admitted that the proposals in the Constitutional Treaty will mean even more costly asylum and immigration appeals. In November 2006 Geoff Hoon said: “there is clearly a risk that adding what is in effect an avenue of appeal at a very early stage in the process might be an opportunity of further complicating our existing asylum and immigration processes.”


The Charter of Fundamental Rights, which would become legally binding under the Constitution, could also complicate attempts to deport terror suspects and other foreign criminals. This could lead to increased costs for UK taxpayers as migrants claim benefits while they wait for their case to be heard. It currently takes two years before the ECJ even begins to hear an appeal.


New rights set out in the Constitution are likely to erode the current strict limits stopping EU migrants from claiming benefits in the UK if they have not worked. A new “burden sharing” requirement means that UK taxpayers will have to pay for the upkeep of migrants even in other countries. The UK Government initially opposed most of these new EU powers – but it later gave way.


While there are a range of views about all these issues, most people think they should be decided in the UK by accountable politicians. But under the Constitutional Treaty the European Court of Justice would end up making what are essentially political decisions. If British politicians disagreed with these judges, it would be impossible to get the rulings overturned.
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The Constitutional Treaty – what does it mean in practice?


(4) More EU powers over our foreign policy and defence

The Constitution sets up an EU Foreign Minister, an EU Diplomatic Service, and gives the EU the right to sign treaties – just like a single country. It introduces majority voting into all kinds of foreign policy questions.


The Spanish Prime Minister has predicted that “We will undoubtedly see European embassies in the world, not ones from each country, with European diplomats and a European foreign service. We will see Europe with a single voice in security matters. We will have a single European voice within NATO. We want more European unity.” The British Government opposed many of these proposals, including the automatic right of the new EU Foreign Minister to speak on our behalf in the UN Security Council, but later gave in.


The Constitutional Treaty also sets up a “structured cooperation” group, in which the UK will participate. It states that members will have to achieve “approved objectives concerning the level of investment expenditure on defence equipment” and “bring their defence apparatus into line with each other”. A research paper by the European Federalists notes that “Structured Co-operation in the field of Defence is a significant step towards a Single European Army.”

German Chancellor Angela Merkel also said earlier this year that “Within the EU itself, we will have to move closer to establishing a common European army.”

Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi has said “When I was talking about the European army, I was not joking. If you don’t want to call it a European army, don’t call it a European army. You can call it ‘Margaret’, you can call it ‘Mary Ann’, you can call it any name.”

The Spanish Prime Minister Jose Zapatero has said that “Europe must believe that it can be in 20 years the most important world power… The Constitution is an important step in this direction.”

What this grandiose vision means in practice is that while British soldiers are being undermined in Iraq and Afghanistan for want of basic equipment, the EU wants us to divert billions of pounds to wasteful projects like the Galileo satellite system - because of its desire to play the role of a “superpower”. Regardless of what you think about the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, this is bad for our armed forces.
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The Constitutional Treaty – what does it mean in practice?


(5) New EU powers over our public services

Health and education:

The Constitutional Treaty puts the EU in charge of public health, and ends the right of veto in this area. The EU would in future regulate medical standards. A new “right to preventative healthcare” could open the NHS up to a slew of costly ambulance-chasing lawsuits. The Constitution ends the veto over trade agreements in public services like health and education. So our Parliament would no longer have a say over deals which determine how these services are managed.


Public spending rules:

The UK Government has rightly criticised the EU’s public spending rules for discriminating against long term investment. But instead of fixing this problem the Constitution means that the EU’s guidelines on public spending would be more tightly enforced, as no member state will be able to vote against being censured under the Broad Economic Policy Guidelines.

Transport:

Under the Constitution, Britain gives up the veto in transport. Jacques Barrot, EU Transport Commissioner, recently said that the EU wants to run EU wide road-pricing operations. The AA have warned that this would lead to a loss of privacy.


Public service management:

Equally importantly, the Constitutional Treaty does nothing to rein in the European Court of Justice, which in recent years has produced a string of rulings which make it difficult to prioritise NHS spending, and allows those who are willing to threaten legal action to jump the queue.
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The Constitutional Treaty – what does it mean in practice?

(6) It doesn’t sort out the EU’s chronic problems: cost and waste continue

Cost:

Britain is paying £10.5 billion a year into the EU – more than we spend on the police. We have to pay in roughly twice as much as we get back, while countries that are richer than Britain take more out than they put in.


High prices:

The EU’s farm subsidies and trade barriers cost the average family of four £1,500 a year in higher prices and tax. The Constitution could make reform even more difficult by giving the European Parliament new powers over spending.


Fraud:

The new treaty does nothing to sort out the EU’s chronic problems with fraud. According to its own figures, the EU loses £1 million every working day to fraud. Its budget has not been signed off by its own auditors for twelve years in a row.


Hurting poor countries:

The EU’s protectionist trade barriers and farm subsidies cost the poorest countries in the world billions every year.

Waste:

The EU now has 63,000 civil servants working full time churning out new laws. It spends £200 million a year just ferrying euro-MPs back and forth between its two parliament buildings in Strasbourg and Brussels every month.


Help us make politicians keep their promises

Gordon Brown is determined to stop you having a vote on the EU Constitution – despite being elected on a manifesto that promised the British people a referendum. If we are going to persuade him to change his mind, we need your help. This is your last chance to have a say…

Unlike previous treaties, the Constitutional Treaty would be self-amending. This means that in future the powers of the EU could be increased further without the need for any new treaty. Further vetoes could be given up by the Government without the permission of our Parliament.


Because EU leaders could vote to incrementally give the EU more powers, the constitutional treaty would reduce the level of scrutiny of future changes. If the Constitutional Treaty goes through, this could be the last ever opportunity to call for a referendum.
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